Official Twitter. Official Instagram. Official YouTube. Campaign website. Campaign Facebook. Campaign Twitter. Email editor ballotpedia. Key votes click "show" to expand or "hide" to contract Key votes: th Congress, For detailed information about each vote, click here. Votes on domestic policy click to expand Voted Yea on: Agriculture and Nutrition Act of Conference report HR 2 Bill Passed on December 12, Proposed providing funding for commodity support, conservation, trade and international food aid, nutrition assistance, farm credit, rural development, research and extension activities, forestry, horticulture, and crop insurance through fiscal year Voted Nay on: Agriculture and Nutrition Act of HR 2 second vote Bill Passed on June 21, Proposed providing funding for commodity support, conservation, trade and international food aid, nutrition assistance, farm credit, rural development, research and extension activities, forestry, horticulture, and crop insurance.
It also proposed modifying the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, previously known as the food stamp program. Voted Nay on: Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act HR 36 Bill Passed on October 3, Proposed amending the federal criminal code to make it a crime for any person to perform or attempt to perform an abortion if the probable post-fertilization age of the fetus was 20 weeks or more. The bill provided exceptions for an abortion: 1 that was necessary to save the life of the pregnant woman, or 2 when the pregnancy was the result of rape or incest.
Voted Nay on: Kate's Law HR Bill Passed on June 29, Proposed increasing criminal penalties for individuals in the country illegally who were convicted of certain crimes, deported, and then re-entered the U. Voted Nay on: No Sanctuary for Criminals Act HR Bill Passed on June 29, Proposed withholding federal funds from states and localities that chose not to follow federal immigration laws.
HR Bill Passed on January 22, Proposed providing further continuing appropriations through February 8, HR Bill Passed on January 18, Proposed providing further continuing appropriations through February 16, Voted Nay on: Making further continuing appropriations for fiscal year , and for other purposes HJ Res Bill Passed on December 7, Proposed funding the government until December 22, This bill proposed adopting the Senate's budget resolution.
It combined 12 appropriations bills. Voted Yea on: Disaster Relief Appropriations Act, Included amendments to suspend the debt ceiling and fund the government HR Bill Passed on September 8, Proposed suspending the debt ceiling and funding the government until December 8, , and providing funding for Hurricanes Harvey and Irma relief efforts.
Voted Nay on: Department of Defense Appropriations Act, HR Bill Passed on January 30, Proposed providing appropriations for military functions administered by the Department of Defense and for other purposes, for the fiscal year ending September 30, Voted Nay on: Make America Secure Appropriations Act, HR Bill Passed on July 27, Proposed making appropriations for defense, military construction, Veterans Affairs, the Legislative Branch, energy and water development, and for other purposes for the fiscal year ending on September 30, It did not provide budget authority.
General election for U. Democratic primary for U. Republican primary for U. To view the full congressional electoral history for Michael F. Doyle, click [show] to expand the section. To view the breakdown of campaign funding by type click [show] to expand the section.
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Luke Negron R. Donald Nevills Independent Write-in. Daniel Vayda Independent Write-in. Total votes: , Michael Doyle. Jerry Dickinson. Luke Negron. Kim Mack Write-in. Total votes: 30, Share this page.
Follow Ballotpedia. Click here to follow election results! He first took office in January Governor Doyle was born in Washington, D. Doyle Sr. James E. Doyle attended Stanford University for three years, then returned home to Madison to finish his senior year at University of Wisconsin-Madison.
After graduating from college and inspired by John F. Kennedy's call to public service, Doyle worked as a teacher in Tunisia as part of the Peace Corps from to In , Doyle earned his Juris Doctor J. Doyle then moved to the Navajo Nation in Chinle, Arizona , where he worked as an attorney in a federal legal services office.
Laird, and great-granddaughter of William D. Conno, who was Lieutenant Governor of Wisconsin from to They have two adult adopted African-American sons, Gus and Gabe. After leaving that office, he spent eight years in private practice. Doyle was elected Wisconsin Attorney General in , and re-elected in and Between and , he served as the president of the National Association of Attorneys General. During his twelve years as Attorney General, Doyle was considered tough on crime, but not unsympathetic to its causes.
He also gained recognition through several successful lawsuits against tobacco companies in the state. Doyle has had little difficulty securing re-election, and he brushed back a challenge from Dickinson by a two-to-one margin last year. But speculation about his intentions has been mounting steadily in Democratic circles, and when campaign-finance reports released Friday showed only modest activity on his part, there was word that Doyle would announce his intentions Monday.
Doyle, by contrast, relied almost entirely on political committees, many with ties to the telecom industry. That raised concerns among Democrats about his appetite for another run. Another complicating factor going forward is redistricting. The drawing of lines after each Census is inherently a political process, with an eye toward the desires of current incumbents. That would preserve a Democratic-friendly lean for the seat held by U. Conor Lamb, while also creating a more moderate landscape for Doyle.
And the fact that his first two declared replacements are Black progressives suggests how much western Pennsylvania's landscape has changed since Doyle first became a fixture of it in the mids. Both politically and geographically, that terrain has shifted under his feet. Doyle was one of five freshman representatives to be elected in — he is the only member of that class still remaining — and the 18th district then was not reliably Democratic: Doyle inherited it from arch-conservative Rick Santorum, who moved on to the U.
In a year in which Democrats lost control of the House for the first time in decades, Doyle ran as a determined centrist, telling the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette after his win over Republican John McCarty that he would support Republican ideas such as a balanced-budget amendment and term limits.
But subsequent redistricting drew Doyle into a district that included the city of Pittsburgh — a liberal bastion compared to the areas he was used to representing — and the party itself began to change. At the outset, Doyle had been a pro-labor Democrat who skewed conservative on issues such as abortion — a mainstay of the party in places like Western Pennsylvania. But the influence of such voices waned, and Doyle himself shifted leftward on issues such as abortion.
A longtime supporter of the Hyde Amendment , which bars the use of federal funding for abortions in most cases, Doyle reversed that position in , joining as a cosponsor of a bill to revoke the ban. And Doyle was willing to take a stand — or a seat — on such issues as gun violence when he joined dozens of Democrats in a sit-in on the House floor to demand action on gun control legislation. Mark Pocan, a very liberal lawmaker from Madison, sees the same problem.
While he praises Doyle as "rock solid" on progressive social issues, he says, "If anything the governor's biggest failure was the lack of a more productive agenda. There were missed opportunities.
Doyle just didn't like working with the Legislature and couldn't accept that lawmakers had their own standing as elected officials, says Pocan. Doyle's staff was even more disdainful: "They exacerbate the problem of him being an executive with no connection to the Legislature.
Doyle's relative indifference to policymaking played out badly in the bureaucracy, according to the disaffected state employees I've talked with over the years. They complain the governor named lawyers and political apparatchiks to run the departments, as opposed to policy pros and experienced administrators.
His efforts to cut those 10, state employees had no guiding vision and blew up in the Department of Transportation in a particularly ugly fashion when staff engineers were replaced by outside consultants. In , a study that circulated internally found that consultants were costlier to use on road projects than state employees.
The lesson for other public employees couldn't have been plainer if the Doyle team had hung Thiel's body from a telephone pole: Don't do anything that undercuts the governor. With some chagrin, a veteran social services program administrator told me he had been foolish enough to openly criticize cost-cutting measures in his program.
He says he was reprimanded and his career damaged: "The message was, don't you dare criticize us or we'll go after you," he says. I heard a similar story a few years ago when I wrote about Cheri Maples, a retired Madison police captain who had no fear of retribution when she talked publicly about her brief, unhappy tour in the Doyle administration.
A year veteran of law enforcement with a law degree and a master's in social work, Maples was exactly the sort of reality-tested progressive you would have expected the Doyle administration to embrace if it was going to put its stamp on state government. But once onboard to run the parole and probation division in Corrections, Maples found her hands tied by her political overseers. Her memos and speeches were screened by the secretary's office.
Contact with the press had to be cleared. Worse, innovation wasnt encouraged in what she described as a "fear-based" environment. If youre so concerned about these details, how can you see the big picture?
Blocked from plotting a new course for probation and parole, Maples resigned after nine months. As I wrote, her departure illustrated one of the biggest failings of the Doyle administration: its refusal to tap into the small army of progressive-minded thinkers and technicians waiting in academia and government for a chance to retool state policy after 16 years of Republican rule.
It's not even honored by gesture anymore. All those blue-ribbon commissions and special task forces that would occasionally ignite a governmental transformation during the Warren Knowles, Pat Lucey and Thompson eras aren't even appointed anymore. Most anyone who spends any time at the Capitol knows what they are: The school aid formula has blown a gasket and is belching blue smoke; the state aid system for local communities is byzantine and maybe lunatic for how it separates spending and tax raising; the funding and maybe governance of the UW System is in crisis; and why is it, by the way, that we send so many more people to prison than Minnesota?
None of these big issues seems to pique the incrementalist Doyle's interest. Its much easier to achieve it if you can grease the transition with bucks for the losers.
But the cushion for reform no longer exists.
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